THE BLOODY WAR- CHAPTER 2

                      

Note: This story is a sequel to my story The Bloody War. It focuses on the aftermath of faction killings in Rayalaseema. Nikhil Reddy's further journey to bring change in his region.

TWO YEARS LATER:

OCTOBER 2020:

RAYALASEEMA ECONOMIC ASSOCIATION:

Speakers at an inaugural session of the third annual conference of Rayalaseema Economic Association held here on Sunday blamed the lack of political will and skewed vision of the politicians for the backwardness of the region- pointing out the names of Bhuma Nagi Reddy and Yeddula Vivekananda Reddy. Former UGC emeritus fellow K. Munirathnam Naidu, who inaugurated the meet, attributed the region's development to the presence of Micro, Small and Medium enterprises, in spite of the factionalism present among power mongering groups.

"Rayalaseema lost Ballari(Karnataka) and Tiruthani(Tamilnadu) due to the formation of States on linguistic basis. This indirectly led to loss of economic activity." Professor Naidu pointed out. He also called for development of each of the six districts- Chittoor, Kadapa, Kurnool, Anantapur, Nellore and Prakasam into units nurturing Information Technology so as to capture the lost ground.

PEELAMEDU, TAMILNADU:

Bhuma Nikhil Reddy and his friend Sai Adhithya is seen watching this in a TV news channel, sitting in their house, supported by Roshini and Bhuma Vaishnavi Reddy. Three months back, Bhuma Nikhil Reddy got married to Roshini and Vaishnavi married Sai Adhithya. The guys have been active in social services and in software programs.

Adhithya asked Nikhil to watch the TV News, which have keynote address from a professor of Political Science and Public Administration of Sri Venkateswara University, M.A. Hussain observed the British and Nehruvian policies of having addressed development issues in the country, which had witnessed ups and downs during Rajasekhar and P.V.Narasimha Rao regimes.

Watching this, Roshini advised Bhuma Nikhil Reddy: "Nikhil. With the BJP government at the Centre encouraging smaller states like Telangana and Kongunadu, I think there's the possibility of Rayalaseema once again raising it's voice by seeking statehood."

However, Nikhil Reddy laughed and said her: "It's not at all possible Roshini. Corrupt Administration is there everywhere. Do you know? Telangana issue is prevalent since 1947 independence." As he said this jokingly, Adhithya gets angered and shouts at him by giving him the article of A. Ranga Reddy, REA President and a retired professor of Economics, found factionalism on the wane due to the entry of educated off springs and the movement of influential families to urban areas. However, he saw the existence of "cultural poverty" in the region.

Hearing this, Vaishnavi goes furious and said: "What do you know about our pain Adhithya? We are from that region. We only know what's the problem there. It's not that easy to ask for a separate state. Do you know the history of Telangana first? I know and my brother knows very well."

FEW YEARS BACK:

Telangana was part of the erstwhile Hyderabad state which was merged into the Indian Union on 17 September 1948. Central government appointed a civil servant, M.K.Vellodi as the first Chief Minister of Hyderabad state on 26 January 1930. Andhra was the first state to be carved out on linguistic basis on 1 November 1953. It had Kurnool town as it's capital after the death of Potti Sriramulu who sat on a 53-day fast unto-death demanding the new state.

The proposal for amalgamation of Hyderabad state with Andhra state came up in 1953 and then Chief Minister of Hyderabad state, Burgula Ramakrishna Rao, supported the Congress central leadership's decision in this regard though there was opposition in Telangana region. Accepting the merger proposal, Andhra assembly passed a resolution on November 25, 1955 promising to safeguard the interests of Telangana.

An agreement was reached between Telangana leaders and Andhra leaders on February 20, 1956 to merge Telangana and Andhra Pradesh with promises to safeguard Telangana's interests. A "Gentleman's agreement" was then signed by Bezawada Gopala Reddy and Burgula Ramakrishna Rao to the effect. Eventually, under the States Re-organization act, Telugu-speaking areas of Hyderabad state were merged with Andhra state, giving birth to the state of Andhra Pradesh on 1 November, 1956.

The city of Hyderabad, the then capital of Hyderabad state, was made the capital of Andhra Pradesh state. In 1969, an agitation began in Telangana region as people protested the failure to implement the Gentleman's agreement and other safeguards properly. Marri Channa Reddy launched the Telangana Praja Samiti espousing the cause of a separate state. The agitation intensified and turned violent with students in the forefront of the struggle and about two of them were killed in violence and police firing that ensued.

PRESENT:

Upon hearing this from Vaishnavi Reddy, Adhithya and Rohsini apologized to her and they said: "Oh. Is there so many problems just for a separate state demand?"

"It's not that easy Adhithya. There would be violence, death and even riots. If we ask or demand for separate state, then we should continue to do separatism instead of development!" Nikhil Reddy said and opened up the aftermath of protests for separate Telangana state.

1972 TO 2013:

Following several rounds of talks with leaders of the two regions, the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi came up with an eight-point plan on April 12, 1969. Telangana leaders rejected the plan and protests continued under the aegis of Telangana Praja Samiti. In 1972, Jai Andhra movement started in Andhra-Rayalaseema regions as a counter to Telangana struggle. On 27 September 1973, a political settlement was reached with the Centre and a 6-point formula put in place to placate people of the two regions. In 1985, employees from Telangana region cried foul over appointments in government departments and complained about "injustice" done to people of the region. The then Telugu Desam Party government, headed by N.T.Ramo Rao, brought out a Government order to safeguard the interests of Telangana people in government employment. Till 1999, there was no demand from any quarters for division of the state on regional lines. In 1999, Congress demanded creation of Telangana state Congress was then smarting under crushing defeats in successive elections to the state assembly and parliament with the ruling Telugu Desam Party in an unassailable position.

Yet another chapter opened in the struggle for Telangana when Kalvakuntla Rajasekhar Rao, who was seething over denial of Cabinet berth in the Chandrababu Naidu government, walked out of TDP and launched Telangana Rashtra Samiti on 27 April, 2001.

Following pressure applied by Telangana Congress leaders, the Central Working Committee of Congress in 2001 sent a resolution to the then NDA government seeking constitution of a second states Re-organization Commission to look into Telangana state demand, which was rejected by the then Union Home Minister L.K,Advani saying smaller states were "neither viable nor conducive" to integrity of the country.

Congress forged an electoral alliance with TRS by promising to create Telangana state. Congress came to power in 2004, both in the state and the Centre, and TRS became part of the coalition governments at both places. Protesting delay in carrying out the separate state, TRS quit the coalition governments in the state and at the Centre in December 2006 and continued an independent right. In October 2008, TDP changed it's stance and declared support for bifurication of the state.

TRS launched an indefinite hunger-strike on 29 November, 2009 demanding creation of Telangana. The Centre budged and came out with an announcement on 9 December, 2009 that it was "initiating the process for formation of Telangana state." But the Centre announcement on 23 December 2009 that it was putting Telangana issue on hold. This fanned protests across Telangana with some students ending their lives for a separate state. The Centre then constituted a five-member Committee on 3 February 2010 headed by former Judge Sri Krishna, to look into statehood demand. The Committee submitted it's report to the Centre on 30 December, 2010. Telangana region witnessed a series of agitations like the Million March, Chalo Assembly and Sakalajanula Samme(General strike) in 2011-12 while MLA's belonging to different parties quit from the house. With it's MP's from Telangana upping the ante, Congress made Union Home Ministry to convene on all-party meeting on December 28, 2012 to find an "amicable solution" to the crisis. After much delays, the separate state was given to Telangana on 2014, giving away Hyderabad and Warrangal to the state.

PRESENT:

At present, Adhithya understands the problems related to separate state and asked Vaishnavi Reddy: "Isn't there a solution for this long-factionalism? Won't there be a change in this region da?"

"For that, we have to take down a lots and lots of enemy in the region of Rayalaseema da buddy." Nikhil said, which shocked Roshini a lot. She goes near to him and asked: "Then, what about Yeddula Vivekananda Reddy? You have killed him right. Brought back the peace too right?"

Nikhil Reddy nods his head for her questions and took them to his laptop, in which he showcased the photo of Bogathi Naryana Reddy. Turning to Vaishnavi, he asked her: "Do you know him Vaishnavi?"

Thinking for a while, she said: "Bogathi Naryana Reddy right? He was a close aide of TD leader JC Divakar Reddy family!"

"He joined hands with his rival K. Pedda Reddy in the last general assembly polls. Information came to me. Not only my region da. Each and every region of Rayalaseema is prone to violence, as I said to you."

The centuries-old culture of "factionalism" with it's roots set in the medieval history is grinding to a halt in many villages of the Rayalaseema region. Mental diversions, professional pursuits and a resultant change of mindset are evident in the new generation.

"Nikhil. We have to go back to Rayalaseema and develop the district da." Roshini said to which, he accepts after Vaishnavi too expressed the same concern owing to be their homeland. Booking ticket, the trio sets out to Rayalaseema again. Their family headed by grandma, stops the train using the chain and travels towards the house. When travelling, Nikhil reprimands the way, his father was brutally murdered and keeps his mind calm once seeing the peace in his land.

Nikhil takes Adhithya and Roshini to his school teacher Raghavan Iyer's house in Kurnool, where Adhithya asked: "Sir. Are you Nikhil's school teacher?"

The 75-year old man was lying flat in his bed. Wearing his glasses, he gets up and said: "Yes pa. He was my school student. Bhuma Nagi Reddy's son."

"For how many years, this factionalism continue sir?" Roshini asked, which makes him upset. Thinking for a while he said: "Doesn't know the present generation ma. Youths are now pressing their elders in the family to stay clear of faction politics."

Hearing this, Nikhil was really surprised. Unable to control his happiness, he hugged his school teacher and asked him, "Is it the truth sir?"

"Yeah Nikhil." He explained the exact events to the trio:

Even those from families with a long history of local rivalries are seeking peace. Normally, a gram panchayat polls had a history riddled with factionalism, clashes and murders. A majority of the families with a faction-background however sent their children for higher studies, more so after the turn of this century. These children settled down in big cities as software engineers or in other professions. They are forcing their parents to keep off factionalism. The last general elections witnessed compromise deals between faction leaders at the top levels including former ministers and MLA's in many parts of Anantapur, Kadapa and Kurnool districts. Such trends continued even in the present gram panchayat polls, Jammalamadugu, a hardcore faction-ridden area in Kadapa district as also Tadiapathri and Penukonda in Anantapur district had a change of mind. C. Adinarayana Reddy and Ramasubba Reddy worked for Telugu Desam while Bogathi Naryana Reddy, a close aide of the JC Divakar Reddy family, joined hands with his rival K. Pedda Reddy in the last general assembly polls. Political borderlines are blurring.

Senior leader J.C.Diwakar Reddy's family has been with Telugu Desam for long and are known well to the family of Bhuma Nagi Reddy. He faced cases in the murder of Prakash Ravi, who had been known for murdering Yeduri Mahendra Reddy for killing his father Paritala Jaganathan, a Naxalite leader, who donated his land to the poor people. Bogathi had openly declared two years ago that he would keep away from faction rivalry.

Prakash Ravi's elder brother Paritala Sarath have been killed by an police inspector, paid by Nagamani Reddy, Mahendra Reddy's relative, which agitated him and he had been known for destroying the entire police station, once killing them all. He continued to kill Nagamani's son Obul Reddy, (a man known for killing people in brutal ways and enjoyed raping women.) Gangula Yaadi Reddy and Narsanna Reddy.

Slain warlord Yeduri Suryanarayana Reddy, the son of Mahendra Reddy(who killed Prakash Ravi)'s wife G. Bhanumathi went to settle down in Bengaluru and kept herself away from faction politics.

Meanwhile, local leaders of all parties are evidently alert and sending their children away to towns and cities. The new generation has restricted the elders in the family from continuing with faction feuds back home. Children strictly directed the politicians not to indulge in faction rivalry, but they have no problem if they continue with normal politics. Else, migrate Bengaluru.

Hearing these from his teacher, Nikhil really feels happy and says his idea to bring reformatory measures by building up educational foundation in the name of his region Nandyal, to which his teacher feels very happy and blesses him to do so, hoping that the next generation would get good education.

Although Chandrababu Naidu and his family are arch-rivals, Bhuma Nikhil Reddy meets him in the CM office after seeking the permission from the reception and waiting for more than 2 hours. After having tea and other formalities, Nikhil Reddy speaks about the problems in Rayalaseema and his wish to start an education institution to educate his region's children, for which he have came to ask permission. Naidu, keeping the past in mind, refuses to grant permission and lies to him about the difficulties in solving the 35-year problems of Rayalaseema. Nikhil returns disappointed.

Meanwhile, as the general elections are held, the opposition party leader Y.S.Ram Mohan Reddy of YSR Congress had been contesting for the elections rigorously. The prominent politician from Anantapur M.V.Mysura Reddy, former home minister of United Andhra, echoes the sentiment in the region by saying- "Though we had several Congress Chief ministers, Rayalaseema is ignored due to the domination of coastal Andhra."

At the same time, Bhuma Nikhil Reddy brings in a set of youths from Rayalaseema region to discuss about the idea of educational foundation institution in their place and sits along with Adhithya, Roshini and Vaishnavi Reddy.

"I wanted to know more about the factionalism issues in Rayalaseema region guys. Can you explain more?" asked Adhithya and Nikhil Reddy, to which an youngster explained more about Rayalaseema:

TDP leader Naidu hails from Chitoor, Rayalaseema. YSR Congress chief Jaganmohan Reddy is also a Rayalaseema native, hailing from Kadapa. The latest entrant to the political minefield of Rayalaseema is actor-turned-politician Pawan Kalyan, who announced that he would contest the 2019 Assembly elections from Anantapur as the leader of his brand new party, Jana Sena.

The battle lines are drawn severely along the lines of caste, specifically forward castes. Naidu is wooing the Kammas, who constitute 22% of the population, the caste to which he belongs. Reddy's, another powerful caste in the region who account for 34% of the population are looking to the YSR congress. Kalyan is targeting the Kapu vote, which constitutes 27% of the populace. Water is also at the forefront of unrest in Rayalaseema. The region is famous for a variety of crops- Anantapur is known as Groundnut City, Kurnool district provides Sona Masuri rice to the country and Madanapalli is renowned for it's bumper tomato crop. But irrigation continues to remain a long neglected issue despite the 300 kilometre long KC canal and the 406 kilometre long Telugu Ganga projects consistently proving to be thorns in the feet of farmers who clash with the neighbouring states of Karnataka, Telangana and Tamil Nadu over water sharing. The rivers Penna, Kundu, Handri, Neeva, Tungabhadra and Krishna flow through Rayalaseema.

"What about the political issues bro? There are lots others related to this." Another youngster argued in the table by telling: Naidu's much publicized Pattiseema Life Irrigation Scheme was launched to bring 100 tmcft of Godavari water to the Krishna basin. But the people of Rayalaseema are doubtful and farmers in the arid land are angry that there is no water in the KC Canal or in the Telugu Ganga. They allege that the Krishna water allocated to Rayalaseema is diverted to coastal Andhra. Naidu has diverted Godavari for building Amaravati state capital. Other politicians are quick to capitalize on the tensions over water as well. Had YSR lived and completed the Rs.12000 crores, including the Handri-Neeva and the Galeru-Nagari are languishing without water.

Looking at an youth, Adhithya said: "Nikhil. See there. That guy wanted to convey us something and is waiting for a chance. Let him also speak his words." He approved and the guy told this.

That perhaps sums up the resentment, both historical and new in the region. Like the people of Telangana, Rayalaseema residents too detest the perceived domination of the rich farmers and business magnates of Coastal Andhra Pradesh. When the first Andhra state was formed in 1953, Kurnool was made state capital as a compromise. Rayalaseema leaders made coastal Andhra leaders sign the Sree Bagh Pact, for equal share in development funding. But with the merger of Telangana into the erstwhile state of Andhra Pradesh, the capital was shifted to Hyderabad and the pact thrown to the winds.

Rayalaseema natives have not forgotten this and complain of step-motherly treatment in terms of development, as compared to Coastal Andhra. Successive Chief Ministers have pampered their home turf but development and infrastructure has eluded the whole region overall- for instance, when Congress leader YSR became Chief Minister in 2004, he spent over Rs 300 crores on flyovers and roads in his home town Kadapa. In 2014, both the YSR Congress and TDP assured equal share development for Rayalseema as a major point in their election manifesto in order to convince local leaders and factional groups that the region should stay with Andhra Pradesh.

"We have lots of problems related to Rayalaseema as a record. So, we should have a wider approach in regards to this!" Adhithya and Nikhil Reddy said and asked the youngsters about possibilities for starting educational foundation. The young advisors said the possibilities but, asked him to wait for three months, so that Ram Mohan Reddy could become the next Chief Minister, replacing Naidu.

Three months later, Nikhil Reddy visits Ram Mohan Reddy, who became the Chief Minister of Andhra, thanks to his Yatra journey. Ram Mohan Reddy agrees to give the permission and gives him 40 crores as his part to bring a change in Rayalaseema. With the support of his family and friends, Nikhil builds up the education institution and sets up the foundation in the name of Nandyal. He creates an awareness to the Children by teaching Radhakrishnan's educational ideologies.

Development according to most leaders from the region, eluded Rayalaseema for decades due to the deep rooted violence between factions in the area. They hacked, maimed and beheaded their opponents just to create terror. While continuing to educate the children about the importance of development and basic needs, Nikhil's institution further teach the basic concerns ignored in Rayalaseema:

Illiteracy, barren lands, lack of irrigation, unemployment and a basic lack of security for the people living in the poverty-ridden region have gone ignored by powerful politicians and policymakers, claim residents. Literacy level in Rayalaseema is only 42% as compared to 66% in coastal Andhra and a 62% national average.

FEW MONTHS LATER:

Few days later, Nikhil Reddy's family have got a good news to say. Roshini becomes pregnant with Nikhil's child, after Vaishnavi Reddy became pregnant with Adhithya's child before three months. Though the good news makes Adhithya happier that time, he was still more upset concerning for the life of villagers.

"What happened da? We have solved several issues right!" Nikhil Reddy said to Adhithya to which, he said: "No Nikhil. Still villagers of Banaganapalli in Kurnool district recount terrifying tales of lawlessness. They travel in groups and in buses, rather than in private vehicles. We faction leaders are safe with gunmen, but the poor suffer for either supporting or opposing." Nikhil just now remembers about the region and visits the house of Vivekananda Reddy to meet his wife, who is raising up her grandson Bharath Reddy, Yogendra Reddy's son.

After speaking for a while, Vivekananda Reddy's wife wanted to convey something to Nikhil Reddy, regarding his father's death. From her, he learns that YSR Congress leader and current Chief Minister Ram Mohan Reddy was the mastermind behind the death of Bhuma Nagi Reddy, fearing that BJP could capture Andhra and develop the region of Rayalaseema.

Further, Vivekananda Reddy was forced to kill his own son Yogendra Reddy, just to save his grandson from the clutches of Ram Mohan's henchman, who had kidnapped him. Vivekananda Reddy was ready to compromise. Nikhil apologized to the photo of Vivekananda Reddy and regrets for killing him. Nikhil decides to kill Ram Mohan Reddy once and for all, which Yoga's mother refused and instead, asked him to go through non-violent means.

Nikhil goes along with Adhithya to Ram Mohan's house where they seeks the permission of Commando forces and securities before entering inside the house.

The guys lashed at him for killing Bhuma Nagi Reddy and Vivekananda Reddy. Adhithya explains him, "How faction politics is not dead but has taken the shape of party politics in Rayalaseema and though it is richly endowed with natural resources and a politically conscious leadership, the region is unable to step out of it's traditional faction cult."

Ram Mohan Reddy laughed to the core and said: "That's what we need da. You all should have to fight in the name of religion and caste. That's how we could be able to live a luxurious and lavish life."

"Cheap politics! Chi. Your father YSR Rajasundaram Reddy was killed in the area of Naxalites when he was going in flight. Did you forget it? Karma is a boomerang. Instead of promoting factional violence, if you had our political leadership encouraged enterprise and industrial activity, Rayalaseema could have been far ahead of other regions." Watched by his PA and security forces, Nikhil have strangled Ram Mohan Reddy's neck and said this. Leaving him, he said: "Leadership is an action, not a position sir. The secret of leadership is simple: Do what you believe in. Paint a picture of the future, Go there, people will follow. A genuine leader is not a searcher for consensus. But a moulder of consensus. Try to change sir."

Nikhil goes along with Adhithya. While, Ram Mohan gets up steadily and realized his mistakes. He dismissed the politicians, who all indulged in Rayalaseema factionalism for the past 35-years and retained those, who wanted to resort into peace. Several other people involved in corruption and illegal activities through factionalism are arrested as per his orders to the police. He further orders to develop the Rayalaseema and allocates a separate fund to the state.

Seeing the news, a heavily pregnant Vaishnavi and Roshini feels happier. While, Adhithya and Nikhil Reddy looks at the sun of sky and said: "The Bloody war of Rayalaseema region have finally come to an end. Thank God."